The first author in this discussion is Leon Fink, author of Workingmen's Democracy: The Knights of Labor and American Politics. Fink argues that the American labor movement seen in the late nineteenth century was a radical movement centered around the Noble and Holy Order of the Knights of Labor, noted as the first widespread representative of American laborers. Fink claims that this organization was not simply a typical group seeking basic social or economic reform, but rather sought to revolutionize the United States economic system through Marxist-like abolition of the wage system. The author cited the Knight’s manifesto that stated: “We declare, an inevitable and irresistible conflict between the wage-system of labor and the republican system of government.” Fear of revolution, according to Fink, was rampant, as riots, protests, boycotts, and strikes were frequent. The Chicago Times even called for the use of hand grenades to put down strikers who could spur revolution. The Knights saw the industrial economy of the Gilded Age as a system in which laborers were only another price jeopardizing the profits of tycoons, and that wages had been whittled into nothingness to form a society of wage-slavery. This is where Fink believes the line is drawn, the Knights in his interpretation saw the solution in a fair share of business profits to laborers that is easily seen as comparable to socialist ideals.
Arguing that this labor movement was not radical, is Carl N. Degler, author of Out of the Past: The Forces That Shaped Modern America. Degler argued that this movement was a relatively conservative response to the effects the postwar industrial economy has on the working man. He argues that this was in no way an assault on capitalism, as suggested by Fink, but rather a natural reaction to counter the challenges of a labor force facing the challenges of big business. He references the existence of labor unions even prior to 1865 (granted they were weak and relatively ineffective in organizing effectively against such massive industries) as an example of the gradual inclusion of labor representation in early industry. By the late nineteenth century, major businesses were near unchecked, they could hire and fire employees as they pleased and manipulate wages to best serve their bottom line. This was all the case with almost no protection to workers, making the rise of groups such as the Knights of Labor a predictable outcome. The conservative, non radical nature of these early unions can be seen in their success and failure. No major socialist-like reforms were successful, because ultimately, most Americans were still strong believers in capitalism, still waiting to make it big and fall into untold fortune. Although the Knights of Labor had a strong presence initially, they were unwilling to compromise to a sensible reform that protected workers while also continuing to promote the ideals of the capitalistic American Dream. Groups like the American Federation of Labor, however, were able to survive into the twentieth century, as they were more moderate in nature. I would argue that although Fink provides evidence of radical viewpoints held by certain individuals and groups during the Gilded Age’s labor movement, the overall movement is clearly a non radical attempt at reforming an economic and social system that was too lenient on industries and not accommodating to workers. I could certainly argue that this movement was tinged with radicalism, with such a large group as the Knights of Labor exhibiting signs of a call for a major revolution, but I feel as though this group was more so a populist vessel for worker to raise their concerns to a government that had largely ignored them, that did not necessarily desire such extreme changes. I would also argue that it is challenging to find a major movement not infected with pockets of radical behavior, and as proven by Degler, only the groups that compromised and showed a moderate approach were gifted with longevity and true success.
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AuthorWelcome to Liam's Blog. Liam is participating in an independent study of history this year part of which requires him to interpret historical arguments. Archives
April 2017
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